On February 3, 2012, Dean Baker of the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR) released an analysis showing that levels of unemployment in African-American and Latino communities had dropped significantly this January. Baker states of the January data released by the Department of Labor:
"The Labor Department reported that the unemployment rate fell to 8.3 percent in January, bringing its drop over the last year to 0.8 percentage points. African Americans in particular saw an especially sharp decline in unemployment, with their overall rate falling by 2.2 percentage points to 13.6 percent, the lowest level since March of 2009. The unemployment rate for African American men over age 20 fell by 3.0 percentage points to 12.7 percent, the lowest level since November of 2008. The drop for women over age 20 was 1.3 percentage points to 12.6 percent. The unemployment rate for Hispanics dropped by 0.5 percentage points to 10.5 percent, the lowest since January of 2009."
]]>
While the report outlines the direct impact that the foreclosure crisis has had on those home owners in default or delinquency, it also highlights that neighborhoods themselves are adversely impacted by the negative externalities of the housing mortgage crisis. The report notes that even those who have not lost their homes are impacted by nearby foreclosures. These adverse side effects include: depreciation of home values due to nearby blight and abandonment; reductions in municipal property tax bases and subsequent funding shortfalls; and an over-supply of housing during a period of decreased demand.
As noted in the report, the federal government provided funds - through the Neighborhood Stabilization Program (NSP) - to help alleviate the impact of the foreclosure crisis. The report analyzes how NSP related-efforts played out in three different cities: Minneapolis-St. Paul, Portland and Seattle. Based on this information and analysis, Policy Link offers recommendations on how cities can continue working towards a housing market recovery, while making the systemic changes needed to build a "just" housing finance system.
Some of the recommendations offered by the report include:
- Increasing the accessibility of safe credit to low-income and middle-income communities
- Expanding existing models for sustainable home ownership
- Empowering municipal capacity to take control of distressed properties, via community land trusts or other institutional mechanisms
- Increasing code enforcements to deter speculation by irresponsible lenders that are willing to sacrifice the health of neighborhoods for quick profits
To read the report click here, and to see Network analysis of housing policy and asset development for women of color, click here.
Additionally, a report last month by the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP) emphasized the dangers implicit to the Congressional provision. The provision, according to the CBPP, "would hit large numbers of older laid-off workers," since "nearly half of UI recipients with less than a high school education [...] are over age 45..." These measures are also more likely to impact low and modest-wage workers - populations that are less likely to have developed the assets needed to ensure against economic hardship during periods of unemployment.
The Network blog has focused on other provisions that would limit access to UI, specifically proposed drug-testing requirements. Such barriers to public assistance are particularly hazardous, as they are both costly to administer, and are likely to increase economic insecurity.
]]>You might ask in regards to the third bullet, what does liquid asset poor mean? The CFED defines liquid asset poverty as a measure which "excludes assets such as a home, business or car that can't easily be converted to cash [...] consequently [providing] a more realistic picture of the resources families have to meet emergency needs."· 45 percent of Nevada households are asset poor
· 21 percent of Mississippi households are income poor
· 65 percent of Alabama households are liquid asset poor
Watch the clip here.
]]>Kris Kobach, Secretary of State of Kansas, vocal anti-immigrant critic and lawyer, drafted the Arizona legislation which then became a model for Alabama's bill. Kobach has voiced fears of undocumented immigrants committing voter fraud to justify stringent voter ID requirements. Opponents of his measures question the credibility of Kobach's claims saying that he has failed to substantiate his claims of mass voter fraud.
Though it's been less than a year since Alabama's legislation was passed, the effects on families in the state have been far-reaching. Supporters of the bill claim success, citing lower immigration levels and unemployment rates as compared to other states. On the ground, some Alabama legislators are regretting their decision to enact the legislation citing the flood of unintended consequences and declines in productivity. This week, NPR's This American Life featured the stories of mothers, children and workers in Alabama adjusting to the new reality under state-imposed isolation. The phrase "self-deportation" sounds efficient, painless, and relatively uncomplicated. However, the harsh implications of isolation, increased vulnerability and the climate of fear that associated policies can foster begs for a greater public understanding of the lives that are changed by the process.
Last April, the Women of Color Policy Network published a policy brief about the impacts of SB 1070 and other state-level anti-immigration policies on the people, fiscal health and public safety of states. As the GOP races heat up, it will be interesting to see how the isolation of immigrants is talked about and the nature of policy recommendations offered up on both sides.
]]>
"Higher levels of GDP per capita, for example, are not associated with a reduction in the share of low-wage workers. [...] there is no relationship between the level of per capita GDP and the low-wage share. Nor is rapid growth associated with a shrinking low-wage share. [...] the relationship between real growth in a country's GDP per capita over the period 1980-2010 is not meaningfully related to a country's low-wage share in 2009."
"Not only did this marketing of risky subprime mortgages help precipitate a worldwide financial crisis, it also reinforced, and may even have intensified, racial segregation in our major metropolitan areas. Whereas redlining kept black families out of white and middle-class neighborhoods, foreclosures stemming from reverse redlining have led to the displacement of many African American and Hispanic families who did manage to gain homeownership in stable middle-income communities..."
"You see, an economy built to last is one where we encourage the talent and ingenuity of every person in this country. That means women should earn equal pay for equal work. It means we should support everyone who's willing to work, and every risk-taker and entrepreneur who aspires to become the next Steve Jobs."
These are encouraging words from President Obama, yet it is important to consider the demographic nuances inherent to the wage gap. According to Census data, for each dollar a male earns, a female receives only 77 cents. The wage gap is even wider for women of color, with Black and Hispanic women receiving 61 cents and 52 cents, respectively, for every dollar paid to a white male. Network research on pay equity underscores the exacerbated level of wage inequality facing women of color in the current economy. Any policy designed to close the gender-based wage gap will need to consider these disparities.
The United States is home to the largest incarcerated population in the world, locking up approximately 2.3 million people, at a cost of $70 billion dollars annually. This level of spending reflects a 674 percent increase over the last twenty-five years. The racial disparities that characterize this system, chronicled in Michelle Alexander's landmark work the New Jim Crow, are especially egregious given that African-Americans and Latinos account for more than 60 percent of the U.S. prison population while comprising less than 30 percent of the U.S. population. Alexander states that these disparities result in long-term costs to the individuals and communities most impacted by the criminal justice system, labeling individuals as felons and criminals, ostensibly creating the statutory environment for a two-tiered society.
On January 11, 2012, the ACLU and the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP) jointly released a report entitled, "Improving Budget Analysis of State Criminal Justice Reforms: A Strategy for Better Outcomes and Saving Money," which featured an evaluation of state level cost-benefit analyses of penal programming. The report reveals that many states have few budgetary oversight mechanisms in place to implement and monitor the fiscal costs of state run corrections agencies. The report offers recommendations for state governments to ensure that the real costs of prisons are incorporated into the long and short-term corrections budgets. A troubling finding in the report is that 40 percent of states have no "fiscal notes," or cost-benefit documentation, regarding corrections spending. Since many states are struggling to meet fiscal obligations, such as infrastructure, education and public assistance, reigning in state prison spending is critical to protect important government programs.
Over-incarceration and bloated public sector spending on prisons transfers social costs to the communities that receive formerly incarcerated individuals. The ACLU/CBPP report underscores that states have found that lower-cost "alternative to incarceration" programs reduce recidivism rates and keep those requiring psychiatric and addiction treatment out of overly punitive prison environments. Furthermore, a more fiscally discerning corrections system will help keep petty offenders, children tried as adults, and those unable to meet bail out of prisons. The suboptimal social outcome of the current corrections system in the United States is a case of government failure, in which scarce resources are misallocated to programs that do little to benefit society. Given the disproportionate impact that these policies have on communities of color, it is clear that certain communities bear the brunt of this dysfunctional criminal justice system.
]]>